Dedicated to Nigeria's socio-political issues
October 3, 2007 - December 2, 2007
Why Obasanjo Wants Third Term
culled from INDEPENDENT, March 22, 2006
“You only have power over people so long
as you don’t take everything from them. But, when you’ve robbed a man of
everything, he is no longer in your power – he’s free again”. –Alexander
Solzhenitsyn (1918, The First Circle)
It was simply a matter of time. He had
merely been bidding his time and now it seems that time is here. Not one to
miss an opportunity, President Olusegun Obasanjo has lapped on the one
chance thrust on him by fate to prove that he was neither a coward nor one
to shy away from a fight. He had also gone ahead to declare that he was
ready to die, all in a bid to show he had a heart of steel.
But the inner fears about the success of
the bid to extend the President’s tenure would not go away; a reality that
has made him hostage to fifth columnists desperate to remain in the
corridors of power. Yet, he must forge on because of the importance of the
project to his persona and ego.
The Coward Within
sojourn in government for a second time in 1999, Obasanjo wore the uncanny
tag of one that was cowardly. And everywhere he went, this cowardice soon
translated into that of a bully afraid of his inner weaknesses. So
traumatised was the man that no soon after he left office as military Head
of State in 1979 that he put out a notice that journalists were not welcomed
at his Ota farms.
Of course, the only group that Obasanjo
singled out for attack and openly vilified were journalists. Matters came to
a head that he went further to close down media houses, in a desperate wish
to shut out those taunting him as a weakling of which the media was a
vanguard. If there was one profession he wanted abolished, it was that of
More importantly, historians had tended to
portray him a coward and an opportunist than the courageous and bold soldier
he wanted Nigerians to see. The fact that Major Chukwuma Nzeogwu could not
trust him to participate in the 1966 putsch to the claim that he hid himself
under a staircase at the Defence Headquarters when Colonel Bukar Dimka moved
against the late General Murtala Mohammed, Obasanjo was made to wear the
title of a coward.
Historians are also quick to recall that
the General Obasanjo who ruled Nigeria between February 13, 1976 and October
1, 1979 did so chiefly at the instance of the late Major General Shehu Musa
Yar’Adua regarded as de facto head of that regime. Indeed, it has been said
that it was the support by Yar’Adua and then Major General Theophilus
Danjuma that stabilised the Obasanjo government.
So ridiculous and notorious was Obasanjo’s
fear that he became the object as well as subject of ribald jokes by
comedians and clowns. In particular, a mockery was made of the usual
broadcast to the nation, which was often interjected by pleas of “don’t
shoot me, don’t shoot me”.
Cartoonists also had a field day
cataloguing his demeanor projected by a comical pouch, tribal marks and
choice of language by then General Obasanjo, considered no better than that
of the okorofo soldier in the barracks.
The late Afrobeat maestro, Fela Anikulapo,
further mobilised a critical segment of the society dedicated at rubbishing
and exposing the duplicity in the public’s perception of the man. Though
Obasanjo tried several times to reverse Fela’s avowed determination to
rubbish him, public’s regard for the ex-General, especially in the South
West geo-political zone, remained largely negative.
So bad was the picture painted that at some
time, the then military Head of State was rumoured to have resigned out of
fear. But the rumour mill also claimed that the intervention of Yar’Adua and
Danjuma made him to reverse the resignation.
It is not clear whether Obasanjo heard some
of the allegations, which in some cases bordered on the ludicrous while in
office. However, his ears must have become full soon after quitting,
especially the claim that he bowed out of office at the instance of Yar’Adua
and Danjuma, both of whom were said to have pointedly told him to do so on
the grounds that they could not guarantee Obasanjo’s safety after October 1,
Paradoxically, it is the same fear that is
said to dog the President’s conduct in the Aso Rock Presidential Villa,
where he has been undoubtedly held captive by his emotions as well as
10-percenters out to profit from his failings. In seeking a third term,
Obasanjo is believed by close watchers of his activities as being out to
prove that he was not a coward after all.
This explains why in spite of overwhelming
rejection of the agenda, he is forging on, damning whatever risks that may
have been lined up to stop the third term bid. That he does not brook
opposition of any kind is believed to be in tandem with the thinking of Mr.
The Transcorp Trap
Perhaps when he set out to set up the
Transcorp Mafia, Obasanjo had good intentions. But the discriminatory policy
has turned out to be a booby trap from which the President is trying hard to
escape. And it is no longer secret that a new crop of nouveau riche
Nigerians have been created.
While the jamboree is on in the Transcorp
cartel, the reverse is the case among those not grouped to benefit from the
discriminatory policy. It is such that only these special breeds of
Nigerians see anything good in the economic reforms embarked on by the
administration since its inception in 1999. Other sectors groan in avoidable
ruin or abhorrent stagnation.
In ordinary times, the amendment of
sections of the Constitution should be an ongoing project and located within
the political train with hordes of constitutional lawyers in attendance.
However, in our own terrain, it appears
that politics and economy in the matter of the constitutional amendments are
so intertwined as to have become inseparable. Only last week, Senator Udoma
Udo Udoma had cause to reassure certain parts of the private sector, quoting
Napoleon Bonaparte, that it is institutions and not mere mortals who can
determine the course of future events.
Timely too, far certain members of
“Corporate Nigeria” have boxed themselves into an emotional corner over the
issue of the continuation of existing government economic reform policies,
after the present Administration takes its bow. Senator Udoma, like many
others, is a firm supporter of the government’s economic reforms. So,
wherein lies the contradiction?
In the first place, there is nothing
original about the so-called “economic reforms programme”. It is clearly a
continuation of the economic policies brought into being with the
devaluation of the Naira in 1986 by the Babangida administration. All the
ingredients remain the same – floating of the Naira, privatisation of public
enterprises, limiting the role of the state and so forth. The central tenor
and tenancy is still pretty much the same, so why is “Corporate Nigeria”
paramount about a change of baton?
Furthermore, the injury is still very much
out on the economic reforms within the business community, particularly in
the manufacturing and real sector; excruciating pain is being felt at the
infrastructural deficit in terms of power, roads, absence of a standard rail
gauge and so forth. There is really no unanimity of applause for the
reforms. While some rent-takers and the men in government have been
favoured, others, particularly in manufacturing, have been devastated with
factory closures, lack of competitiveness vis-à-vis imported goods, and
The reason for this appalling situation
lies in the interweaving of business and politics in the last seven years.
The platform, which maneouvred to secure Obasanjo’s nomination by the PDP
and his subsequent electoral victory in 1999 is located within an indigenous
military/commercial alliance with apologies to the American Sociologist C.
Having organised the financial muscle and
logistics support to ensure victory, the coalition of retired military
personnel and businessmen seem to have been adequately compensated. They
have become great beneficiaries of the privatisation programme of this
Indeed, there is a school of thought, which
feels that government companies have been sold off at a steep discount often
to those who do not appear to have the technical skills to manage them. In
addition, all manner of sweeteners have been thrown in to keep the boys
happy. Key amongst these has been the issuance of import duty waivers with
what appears sometimes to be reckless abandon. Fela Anikulapo-Kuti, the
late Afro beat king, characterised Obasanjo’s first coming as “Paddy-Paddy
government” a cronyism by another name, the trend is even greater today.
In addition, under the guise of creating
national champions, - that is, business organisations, which purportedly
will be able to take on the multi-national corporations in the national
interest, the Obasanjo government has handed out monopolies and created
oligarchies amongst a select, favoured and chosen few. It is hardly
surprising that Nigeria today is going through a bizarre paradox– a country
carrying out a privatisation programme without first of all constructing
strong pro-competition and Anti-Trust Laws and Regulatory agencies. The
effect of these is better imagined, but the beneficiaries can hardly be
blamed for being apprehensive about the good times of some of the highest
returns in history coming to an end. This class of people is better treated
as “rent takers” rather than entrepreneurs engaged in real, sustained
If the apprehensive Corporate Nigeria
really wants to preserve the “gains” of the economic reform programme, it
should ask the government to put into place those institutions, which will
ensure its longevity. There should be a strict belief in the rule of law
and the sanctity of the courts, their orders and their judgments. The
government should expend its political capital not on the skull drudgery of
self-serving constitutional amendments, but on getting the early passage of
bills, such as the Fiscal Responsibility Act; the Freedom of Information
Bill; the Bill on Public Procurement (Due Process); the bill on
Infrastructure development and finance, to mention a few. These are
legislations that will give solid institutional backbone to the economic
reforms and make them survive the present government.
In the end, Corporate Nigeria will have to
decide on what it really wants — market-based reform on cronyism and special
privileges. There is a clear and persistent danger in allowing the public
to view market reforms as being associated with an increasingly unpopular
and loathed government. If this should happen, it would open an ideological
dimension to Nigerian politics, which could be very damaging to the
interests of corporate Nigeria. For their own sake, Corporate Nigeria
should take a firm stand on the path of democracy, the sanctity of term
limits and the rule of law. Any other position is fraught with grave
The EFCC Specter
It is no longer in doubt that the Economic
and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) was set up by the Presidency as a
veritable tool to witch hunt opponents of the administration. If there were
any pretence as to the basis for setting up the agency, its activities have
since betrayed it.
The EFCC is not only brazen about the task
of cowing opponents of the administration but equally determined to dent or
rubbish the records of key politicians likely to have a go at the Presidency
or run for the governorship ticket in their respective states.
As it is, you are likely to be ignored by
the EFCC and its ancillary agencies until you indicate interest in the 2007
presidential race or the governorship seat in your state. Once you do so and
you are not in the good books of the powers that be, a visit by operatives
of the EFCC is likely to follow. The pressure would only be relaxed if you
disown your ambition to serve.
Interestingly, the Independent Corrupt
Practices and other related offences Commission (ICPC) legally empowered to
probe public officials have been made prostrate by the same administration
that set it up in the first place. The reason for this is not far-fetched.
Successive chairmen of the ICPC as a rule
have refused to do the bidding of the President, preferring to stick to the
rules setting up the ICPC. But because the EFCC is disposed to being used,
it has become a tool in the hands of the President.
Curiously, neither the President nor Nuhu
Ribadu, the EFCC chairman, know to what use the commission would be put at
the expiration of this administration. That fear has unwittingly seen them
in an alliance that would guarantee unlimited tenure for Obasanjo.
Besides, the talk is out there of a likely
revenge mission by key political figures in the North once the President’s
tenure terminates on May 29, 2007. Indeed, there is hardly any forum
convened by the influential Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) where such
sentiments are not expressed.
To that extent, it is not surprising that
the crimes commission is revved to deal with opponents of the government,
given that their existence and survival depends on the continued stay of the
number one citizen in office.
Interestingly, the EFCC operates more like
the Gestapo than an investigative agency, having a set of rules that not
only make it bigger than the Nigeria Police Force, but also functions more
like a torture and confessional altar. Once you are able to appease the
goons in the commission, most likely by pledging loyalty to the President
and his rabid desire to perpetuate the administration indefinitely, the
inevitable is that you are left off the hook without charge.
Failure to “fall in line” would mean an
indefinite stay in the gulag of the EFCC, blackmail by the use of the media
and outright denial to government patronage. With your ambition aborted and
image rubbished, including the risk of going to jail, whatever integrity may
have been left would also have been completely eroded.
A Dubious Legacy
Recently sacked Works Minister Adeseye
Ogunlewe succinctly put the argument for an extension of Obasanjo’s tenure
by harping on the need to preserve the gains of the administration.
According to him, the over N300 billion roads under construction would be
halted as soon as a new government is in place.
In which case, the former minister
believes that the gains of the administration would be eroded once Obasanjo
does not succeed himself. But Ogunlewe failed to explain why it has proved
difficult to mentor successors to Mr President after seven years of the
government in power.
Unfortunately, the former senator was
blinded to the many holes in his argument, some of which is the failure of
his principal to replicate his kind, as is the case in the corporate world
and other civilised societies. Neither did he realise that he was
inadvertently calling for a life presidency beyond the anticipated 12 years,
which the proposed constitution amendment seeks to foist on Nigerians.
Indeed, proponents of regime continuity
have based their argument on the need to preserve Obasanjo’s legacies, which
sadly are largely ephemeral and at best vague and dubious. They are unable
to rationalise the campaign for tenure extension based on acceptable
objective criteria and wide acceptance by majority of the people.
On the contrary, they harp on economic
reforms that are roundly flawed and have been condemned even by economists
in multilateral finance agencies, such as the World Bank and International
Monetary Fund (IMF). But using the trio of Finance Minister, Ngozi
Okonjo-Iweala, CBN Governor Charles Soludo and Minister of the Federal
Capital Territory (FCT), the government has tried to pull wool on the eyes
of Nigerians in the guise of economic reforms.
However, economists have faulted the option
of writing-off Nigeria’s external debt by paying $18 billion out of the $36
billion owed by the country, more so because the payment was done in two
tranches, leaving the nation prostrate financially.
Similarly, holes have been picked in
government’s failure to stabilise power despite pumping over N260 billion
into the sector, in addition to the continued epileptic functioning of the
refineries. Given the critical role of power and the refineries to the
survival of the nation, it is a wonder to critics that government is still
talking about legacies.
Obasanjo Vs Obasanjo
With the amendments proposed by the Joint
Constitution Review Committee (JCRC) of the National Assembly led by Deputy
Senate President Ibrahim Mantu, there is no doubt that the ultimate winner
Three areas were of principal interest to
the Mantu committee. They are that of the president and governors,
derivation formula and removal of criminal immunity. Much as it seems that
Obasanjo and the 36 governors are bound by a common fate, the reality is
that the President remains the only and ultimate beneficiary.
With the coercive forces loyal and
dependent on the President, it does not matter that he would no longer enjoy
immunity. All that is required is for Obasanjo to deny the police, the
judiciary and other security agencies the required fund and they would begin
to dance to his tune.
Undoubtedly, the President has only himself to beat, or so it seems. The
thinking in the Aso Rock Villa is that the project has already succeeded and
that for once Obasanjo would have the opportunity to be free from the toga
of crass opportunism, cowardice and other associated weaknesses. This is in
addition to the fact that his indefinite stay in office has become fait
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This page was last updated on 10/27/07.